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The real existential threat to Israel remains

While the nation's attention is justifiably focused on a variety of external threats, the existential threat – the one closer to home – is hiding under the radar.

Israel is the strongest country in the region – militarily, technologically and in other ways, too. However, none of these strengths are enough to defend the Zionist vision – of a safe, Jewish and democratic Israel for generations to come – from turning into a binational reality.

For the past two years, the most extreme elements in Israeli society have received positions of power and freedom of action to accelerate the destructive process of merging the seven million Jews and seven million Palestinians that are living between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea.

Thus, the transition from creeping annexation to galloping annexation, as well as the economic suffocation of the Palestinian Authority, the escalation of settler violence and the enlistment of young Palestinians into terrorist groups are a certified recipe for an outbreak of violence.

Moreover, it is worth learning from the mistakes of the last decade, which was based on the mistaken strategy that Israel came to accept Hamas' initiated rounds of violence until it finally went too far. We must not wait for a similar escalation in the West Bank.

The military achievements on both the southern and northern fronts, as well as those even farther away, provide Israel with the opportunity to change direction from a position of strength. This change must include a national conversation and decision as to the Israeli interest concerning the Palestinians.

If it is decided to adopt the messianic position and impose a bloody reality on ourselves while simultaneously putting an end to the Zionist enterprise – so be it. But if it is indeed correct that a great majority of the people understand the ruinous meaning of annexation, then the time will come to act accordingly: set our eastern border and make it clear that Israel has no territorial demands east of it, while maintaining overall security control until a future agreement renders such a presence superfluous or makes it permanent in an agreed upon formula.

Since October 7, in many capitals around the world, the commitment to a two-state agreement has transformed from lip service to a policy directive. At the same time, here, the reluctance toward such an agreement has significantly increased. If in the past it was based on the claim that "there is no partner," today the fear of another October 7 in the areas of Israel bordering the West Bank has been added to it.

This is why an Israeli initiative is needed, whose implementation is not dependent upon the quality of the partner or trust between the two peoples. The need to determine our borders and separate the two nations – while maintaining security control over the entire area – is not meant to please third parties. It is our own essential need, to shape our future and safeguard the Zionist dream.

The national decision on the location of the border and treating it as a security border in every respect, as well as the clarification that all the territory east of it is reserved for Palestinian sovereignty once the conditions of the agreement between the peoples are met – will have a number of advantages.

First, minimizing the number of Palestinians illegally entering Israel (whose dangers were demonstrated in the deadly terror attack in Jaffa two weeks ago) and with it the increased security on the Israeli side of the border. Second, providing credibility to the Palestinian hope for a future of self-determination and taking steps to demonstrate Israel's commitment to its implementation, would be an answer to the destructive ideology of Hamas, which opposes any agreement. It would also strengthen the Palestinian Authority and all the moderate elements, and serve to dissuade young Palestinians from joining the ranks of terrorist organizations.

Third, this step will also answer the expectations of the moderate regional countries and enable normalizing relations with Saudi Arabia and our integration into a powerful regional coalition, led by the United States, to deal with Iran and its proxies. It would also help us the war in Gaza, manage the Gaza Strip through Arab nations hostile to Hamas, and fulfill the supreme goal of returning the hostages home.

The Israel Defense Forces is creating an infinitely improved reality for Israel's security on a daily basis, and in doing so allows the political leadership room for decision-making. This is the challenge sitting and waiting for the Israeli government – the present one, or the one that will come after it.

Tamir Pardo, Nimrod Novik