The Druze Community in Israel
The tragedy hit a community already deeply affected by the current war, given that most Druze towns in Israel are located near the northern border, and a large percentage of its population serves in the IDF - by far the highest among Israel's non-Jewish minorities.
Since October 7, ten Druze soldiers and officers have been killed in combat, eight in the fighting in Gaza and two in northern Israel. The Druze have also suffered damage to their homes and agricultural land in the Golan as a result of Hezbollah shelling in the exchanges of fire on the northern border.
Viewed as Israel's "model minority" with a deep-rooted, close and complex relationship to the state, the importance of the Druze was reflected in the quick and empathetic reactions of Israel's leaders - even on the far right - and the Israeli public - to the Majdal Shams tragedy and promises of a "significant response" against Hezbollah.
But it is also a community whose dealings with the governments led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over the past years has been notably rocky.
Five years ago, an anguished outcry against the Law on Israel as the Nation-State of the Jewish People arose among the Druze - sparking angry protests against the legislation that is widely interpreted as denying full equality to non-Jewish citizens. The law was viewed by the Druze as a slap in the face, and remains an open wound.
In 2023, there were additional signs of anger as mass protests and clashes erupted in the Druze communities in the Golan Heights against the construction of 23 clean energy wind turbines in a battle with national-political dimensions with opponents arguing that the turbine project was disrupting Druze agriculture and encroaching on their land.
Who are the Druze - and why does this tiny minority play such an important role in Israeli life?
Who are the Druze?
The Druze are a unique religious and ethnic group that split off from Islam in the 11th century. Their monotheistic and Unitarian-oriented religion incorporates elements of Islam, Hinduism and classical Greek philosophy that emphasizes spiritual purity. Their prophets include Jesus, Mohammed and Moses. Their name is derived from Muhammad bin Ismail Nashtakin ad-Darazi – an early preacher of the religion who was later declared a heretic and executed by a rival.
The Druze are commonly viewed as somewhat enigmatic – with good reason. They are a close-knit community, shun intermarriage and refuse converts: they are completely closed to outsiders.
The religion is even a bit of a mystery to its own practitioners: 80 percent of the community does not have access to the holy writings of the faith and does not attend religious meetings. The other 20 percent, considered holy, control religious and community life.
The Druze flag features five colors: green, red, yellow, blue and white. The flag is sometimes also depicted in the shape of a five-pointed star comprising those same colors (the number represents the religion's five main prophets).
How many Druze are there and where do they live?
Like a few other ethnic groups in the Middle East, the Druze live in several different countries, separated by borders created after the breakup of the Ottoman Empire in the early 1920s. The total number of Druze is estimated at somewhere between 800,000 and 1 million. Between 80 to 90 percent live in two countries: Syria and Lebanon. Around 10 percent live in Israel and an even tinier percentage are found in Jordan.
In Israel, the Druze population is estimated at 150,000 – about 2 percent of the total population. The vast majority live in the north: across Mount Carmel, Galilee and the Golan Heights.
Why are Israeli Druze viewed as different from Muslim and Christian Arabs, particularly when it comes to army service?
Over the centuries, Druze society has promoted blending in and solidifying ties with ruling powers and dominant groups in the countries where they live, for both ideological and practical reasons: separatism isn't part of their core philosophy and it helps them avoid the persecution that has followed them over the centuries.
In Israel, this has set them apart from the Muslim and Christian Arab populations, who are exempt from army service. Instead, all Druze men are subject to the military draft. As a group, they have played a key role in IDF life since the founding of the state in 1948, many reaching high ranks and some entire units being dominated by members of the community.
This status as "brothers in arms" has given them a special position in Israeli society, distinguishing them from other non-Jewish minorities. They are regularly represented in the leadership of centrist and even right-wing political parties, and are present in government service, the media and other centers of power to a greater extent as well.
However, leaders of the community still point out that they are underrepresented, and that their loyalty to the state has not earned them equal status with Jews when it comes to housing rights, infrastructure, personal safety and level of education.
Why many Druze living in the Golan Heights don't want to become Israeli citizens?
There are four Druze villages remaining in the Israeli-annexed portion of the Golan Heights, home to some 23,000 people.
The area was conquered in 1967 during the Six-Day War. In 1981, the Golan Heights were formally annexed by Israel and the Druze living there were offered Israeli citizenship. The vast majority refused, choosing to hold permanent resident status instead, along with distancing themselves from other symbols connected to the state – such as refusing to participate in local elections organized by the Israeli government.
Traditionally, they have preferred to retain their connection with Syria and its regime in Damascus. Family ties have been important, with marriages having been arranged between Druze on either side of the border. Commercial trade and academia have also been key, with Golan Druze offered free tuition at Syrian colleges and universities.
This connection, however, has visibly weakened since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011, making trade and studies in Syria less attractive. This has brought the Golan Druze closer to Israel.
The Hamas massacre of October 7 and especially the spread of the war to the northern front has also had an 'Israelization' effect on the Druze communities in the Golan. Last November, Majdal Shams mayor Dolan Abu Saleh told Haaretz about the town's first guard squadron trained by the IDF, and what he described as another step in the process of "cooperation and harmony with IDF forces in the villages of the Golan, in view of our need to be ready to protect the residents."
The non-profit news organization Shomrim reported that between 2017 and 2022, the number of requests for citizenship by Druze residents of the Golan Heights jumped more than fourfold. While only 20 percent are Israeli citizens, this number is far greater than in the past.
Why have Israeli Druze protested so vociferously against the nation-state law?
In 2018, Druze lawmakers, reserve officers and numerous members of the community publicly protested the law before, during and after its passage by Netanyahu's then-government. They viewed the law as a slap in the face and an insult to their service and dedication to the country.
A number of angry demonstrations took place that year, with slogans proclaiming: "If we are brothers, we must be equals." Rallies drew key former members of the defense establishment, including ex-IDF Chief of Staff Gabi Ashkenazi, former Mossad Director Tamir Pardo and ex-Shin Bet security service heads Yuval Diskin and Ami Ayalon.
Three Druze lawmakers unsuccessfully filed a petition in the High Court of Justice, calling the legislation an "extreme" act that discriminates against the country's minorities. The petitioners asked the court to annul the law or rule out parts of it on the grounds of infringement on basic rights – including the right to equality. They argued that minorities have no status in the law, making them exiles in their own land.
Druze leaders demanded an amendment to the law that addressed all minorities in Israel. After it passed, numerous political leaders, including Yair Lapid, Benny Gantz and Naftali Bennett called for the law to be "fixed," though they made no attempt to do so after they became the country's leaders in 2021.
What does the Israeli public think of the law that so insults the Druze?
A 2018 poll by the Walla news site showed that 58 percent of Israelis supported the law and 34 opposed it. However, a monthly Peace Index poll conducted by the Israel Democracy Institute at the time found that a minority – 45 percent – said they were either "sure" or "thought" there was a need for the law; 47 percent said there was no need; and 62 percent said it should have included a reference to equality.
Allison Kaplan Sommer